E&E News: Tim Walz’s energy record: Political asset or liability?

Vice President Kamala Harris’ choice Tuesday of Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz as her running mate is spiking enthusiasm among climate-focused progressives — and fossil fuel supporters backing former President Donald Trump.

Walz, a 60-year-old former school teacher and football coach with military experience, has a long energy record that is under renewed scrutiny from both the right and left.

[…]

But the same Walz energy policies that are animating the left have Trump allies prepping new attacks.

“This is just a doubling down on Biden’s and Harris’ bad energy policies,” Tom Pyle, president of the pro-fossil fuel American Energy Alliance, said of Walz. “We’re actually kind of excited about it.”

“He’s just weird, especially when it comes to energy policy,” Pyle said.


Read the full article at E&E News.

The Unregulated Podcast #193: Moderately Weird

On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna go over a “weird” week in Washington as twists and turns drive the 2024 election.

Links:

Stay Connected With The Show:

Kamala Flip Flops on Hydraulic Fracturing (Fracking)

Presidential candidate Kamala Harris’ claim that she no longer supports a ban on fracking contrasts with what she said five years ago. Just before she dropped out of the 2020 presidential race in 2019 and joined President Joe Biden’s ticket, at a CNN town hall, she made it clear that she very much supports banning hydraulic fracturing (fracking}. She said, “There’s no question I’m in favor of banning fracking and starting with what we can do on day one around public lands, right?” “And then there has to be legislation, but, yes, that’s something I’ve taken on in California. I have a history of working on this issue.” That same year, she cosponsored Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Green New Deal, which also includes a ban on fracking. “Climate change is real, and it poses an existential threat to us as human beings, and it is within our power to do something about it,” she said. “I am supporting the Green New Deal.”  The reality is that banning fracking would impact billions of dollars in revenue, destroy thousands of jobs and drive up the cost of everything, as the Department of Energy estimates 95 percent of all new wells are hydraulically fractured. 

The major environmental groups are silent on their preferred candidate’s flip-flop to embrace fracking. The Natural Resources Defense Council, the Sierra Club and the Sunrise Movement have not acknowledged the switch. Further Senators Bob Casey and Martin Heinrich from Pennsylvania and New Mexico, respectively, two states that benefit from fracking, are also silent on the flip flop. A fracking ban does not sell well in working-class areas, especially in Pennsylvania, which is the second largest natural gas producing state after Texas.

Where is Harris on banning plastic straws made from petroleum and banning offshore drilling? She has supported banning both in the past. Will she also flip-flop on these issues or stay the course? Does she still support a carbon tax, which would drive up the cost of 80 percent of the energy used in the United States? How about the billions of dollars for electric school buses she has so passionately supported in the past, now that the real costs and performance of them has become exposed?

As President Biden’s vice president, Kamala Harris strongly supported every anti-energy order from the White House. Harris’ campaign wants Americans to believe that she has simply changed her position on a major issue facing our economy 100 days before an election. Unfortunately, Kamala Harris has not undergone a primary where she would be put to the test to explain where she stands on all the issues on which she has flip-flopped. Besides fracking, she no longer supports abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement, no longer supports mandatory gun buybacks, and no longer supports banning private health insurance. Further, she also has avoided interviews with reporters where she could be asked her stance on issues. Harris has been gifted the nomination on a silver platter by President Joe Biden and has not had to earn it by taking her case to Democratic primary voters where she would have been forced to go on record on these issues so that primary voters could hold her accountable.  Since energy availability and reliability are so central to the nation’s economy, inflation and household budgets, as well as critical to our national security, these questions deserve answers. 

The Biden-Harris Record

The Biden-Harris administration has used every regulatory tool available to curtail oil and gas production. Days after taking office, President Biden imposed a moratorium on new lease sales on federal lands. After this was blocked in court, his Administration slow-walked drilling permits and auctions. The Environmental Protection Agency tightened methane regulations, increasing production costs and making some wells uneconomic. The White House also directed federal agencies to incorporate climate estimates in environmental reviews so they can block fossil-fuel projects solely because of carbon dioxide emissions.  

The Biden-Harris administration has also sought to reduce demand for oil and gas with rules that effectively mandate more electric vehicles, bar new natural gas power plants, and phase out natural gas appliances. It has paused permits for new liquefied natural gas (LNG) export projects. It has also incentivized renewable energy through the Democrat-passed Inflation reduction Act to make fossil fuels less competitive.  Meanwhile, in order to justify enormously expensive regulations, it raised the “Social Cost of Carbon” from about $4 per ton to over $190 per ton.  The higher the social cost of carbon, the more the Biden-Harris administration can argue that its policies stifling production and use of energy from fossil fuels make economic sense. 

The Biden-Harris administration’s Environmental Protection Agency will be putting out new regulations for existing gas power plants after the election, which will likely force them to close. It has floated designating Texas’s Permian Basin in violation of ozone standards, which would require substantial reductions in production, driving up energy prices. Does Candidate Kamala Harris support these pending rules, as she has all the other regulations of the Biden-Harris administration?

President Biden has committed to a carbon free electric grid by 2035, which is still about 60 percent powered by natural gas and coal. So far, the Biden-Harris administration has not been successful in forcing enough intermittent wind and solar power on the grid to scale back much of the current fossil fuel contribution, no less provide enough new capacity to deal with the onslaught of new demand on the grid from artificial intelligence data centers and the new demand from the Biden-Harris regulations and standards impacting electric vehicles, heat pumps, and electric appliances. In fact, despite building more wind turbines under the subsidies in the Biden-Harris climate bill, the Inflation Reduction Act, wind energy dropped last year for the first time since 1998, and recently hit a 33 month low.  A Harris administration will have 4 years to do the work that will make the U.S. power grid expensive, unreliable and similar to the electric supply of third world countries. That will ruin the U.S. economy that needs inexpensive and abundant energy to grow. 

Conclusion

Presidential Candidate Kamala Harris is flip-flopping on many issues that she strongly supported during the Democratic primary leading to the 2020 election, where she was very unpopular with Democrat voters. Now, she has been handed a gift by President Biden so that she does not have to state where she stands on many important issues and can have her campaign conveniently flip-flop on them. She has avoided undergoing a primary, where she was not very popular in 2020 and she is currently avoiding one-one interviews. However, her record during the Biden-Harris administration is clear. She supported all of Biden’s regulations and executive orders. She voted for the Inflation Reduction Act that had no Republican vote. Is her switch on issues now just an election year ploy to get elected to the U.S. Presidency to spend the next 4 years doing all she can to destroy the current U.S. energy system and thereby the U.S. economy?

China Owns Kamala’s “Renewable” Future

Construction of U.S. solar-manufacturing plants by Chinese companies is surging, putting China in position to dominate the industry, as other American factories struggle to compete despite federal subsidies.  Chinese companies will have at least 20 gigawatts’ worth of annual solar panel production capacity on U.S. soil within the next year, enough to serve about half the U.S. market. The group includes seven companies backed by Chinese firms including Jinko Solar, Trina Solar, JA Solar, Longi, Hounen, Runergy, and Boviet. Chinese-backed companies have advantages over U.S. competitors due to heavily subsidized supply chains for raw polysilicon and unfinished solar modules and low-cost government financing. They also collect U.S. subsidies for “clean” energy manufacturing embedded in the 2022 Democrat-passed Inflation Reduction Act (IRA).

The projected rapid increase in U.S. solar panel production by Chinese-owned companies should represent a concern for the Biden-Harris climate agenda. While the administration is looking for new investment that creates U.S. jobs in “clean” energy, the Biden-Harris administration wants to prevent over-reliance on China as it pushes the U.S. economy to transition to renewable energy. Renewable energy and other supposedly “clean” technology that is being pushed on U.S. consumers is China’s strength that it has been developing over decades to lead the world in their manufacture. Part of China’s advantage is its reliance upon cheap coal-fired electricity, consuming over half of the world’s annual consumption.

Chinese Influence on U.S. Solar Manufacturing

Chinese companies, by far the top suppliers of solar and electric-vehicle battery components imported to the United States, are accounting for one-fifth of the solar factories announced since the United States adopted new climate-justified subsidies. The United States put tariffs on Chinese solar products and banned goods linked to China’s Xinjiang region over concerns about forced labor to try to develop a domestic solar manufacturing industry. It is now considering new duties on components made in other Asian countries where Chinese manufacturers have established facilities.

Chinese companies building factories in the United States so far are mainly investing in module production, in which solar cells imported from Asia are assembled into panels. Longi, the world’s third-biggest solar producer, for example, is producing solar panels in Pataskala, Ohio through a joint venture with U.S. solar developer Illuminate USA. The five-gigawatt plant is among the largest announced since passage of the IRA, and the company is also exploring the possibility of building a cell facility. Illuminate USA is an American company, majority owned by Invenergy, who owns both the facility and the land in Ohio where over 1,000 Americans will be working to assemble more than nine million high-quality solar panels annually later this year.

Trina, the No. 4 global manufacturer, plans to start a five-gigawatt panel factory in Texas this year, and is also planning a cell facility. Trina’s U.S. subsidiary is a U.S.-registered company that sources the polysilicon it uses to produce its equipment from European and U.S. sources.

U.S. solar project developers that are interested in low-cost supply are welcoming the Chinese companies. The American Clean Power Association, a trade group, said the U.S. solar-manufacturing sector is attracting global and domestic investment and U.S.-headquartered companies make up most of the operating and planned panel production.

Top U.S. producers, Hanwha Qcells and Arizona-based First Solar, however, are pushing for the United States to impose new tariffs on component and equipment imports from countries where their Chinese rivals have built factories to supply the United States. “We’re just asking for legitimate U.S. manufacturers to have a chance to compete with these gigantic Chinese-owned companies,” said Tim Brightbill, attorney for the American Alliance for Solar Manufacturing Trade Committee. The group’s rivals argue that placing duties on some cell imports and not others is unfair and will stifle construction of U.S. factories.

Non-Chinese Solar Manufacturing Cannot Compete

Non-Chinese manufacturers in the United States have found it hard to compete against cheap Chinese imports and are worried by China’s large U.S. presence. It is estimated that as many as half of the announced U.S. factories may not materialize. U.S.-based Convalt, for example, is struggling to bring online 10 gigawatts of U.S. capacity at a factory it started building in upstate New York in 2022. Convalt’s plant would make panels plus solar cells, wafers and ingots that go into the panels, but progress stalled a year ago as global panel prices plunged 50 percent to levels below Convalt’s cost of production.

The Biden-Harris Department of Energy said that developing a domestic solar supply chain would take time and that the United States must rely on foreign businesses for their expertise.

Conclusion

It is difficult to imagine how a greenfield manufacturer can produce solar panels as quickly as a Chinese manufacturer, who has all the advantages, including heavily subsidized supply chains for raw polysilicon and unfinished solar modules and low-cost government financing. The Biden administration needs to realize that the best situation for America is to develop its massive fossil fuel resources for which China depends and must import from the United States or another large producer, such as Russia or OPEC. China has been working on developing its “clean” energy technologies for decades to become the leader in their manufacture and to have the world dependent on them. And, it seems to be working!


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

Whoever Is Calling The Shots At The White House Takes Another Swing At Alaska

The Biden-Harris administration is considering further restricting oil development in Alaska’s National Petroleum Reserve (NPR-A), the nation’s largest swath of public land. The Interior Department’s Bureau of Land Management (BLM) will be soliciting public comment on whether to expand or designate new “special areas” in the 23-million-acre reserve. The move could extend the areas of the NPR-A that are mostly off limits to drillers and stymie new exploration for oil in the western Arctic. BLM claims it is protecting caribou and herd health, as well as other wildlife, migratory birds, and native plants. The evaluation is part of the Biden-Harris administration’s attempts to dampen oil and gas activity in the Arctic to appease environmentalists following its 2023 approval of the $8 billion Willow oil project in the national reserve. The Biden-Harris administration has targeted Alaska’s resource development opportunities 65 times, affecting the state’s energy and economic future. The Biden-Harris administration has kowtowed to environmentalists in an attempt to gain favor at the ballot box.

The NPR-A, which is an area the size of the State of Indiana, has experienced limited drilling since it was created in 1923 as a potential oil supply for the U.S. Navy. In recent years, the reserve has garnered increasing interest due to the discovery of deposits that could hold millions of barrels of oil and help reverse Alaska’s declining oil production. Oil revenues support the state’s economy and contribute to jobs and annual dividends to its citizens.  Oil and gas jobs represent about one quarter of all state jobs, and generate about half of the state’s economy, while providing as much as 90 percent of state unrestricted General Fund revenues in most years and accounting for over $180 billion in total revenue since statehood.

Along the reserve’s eastern border, and near Alaska’s prolific North Slope oil fields, companies are tapping into large oil deposits. The Willow project is expected to produce up to 750 million barrels of oil, and ConocoPhillips has expressed confidence that more oil likely lies deeper into the reserve. An Australian company, 88 Energy, is also exploring a potential 1.6-billion-barrel oil discovery in NPR-A called the Peregrine prospect. The rising oil activity in the NPR-A, however, has heightened calls for greater limits on drilling from environmental groups, who have always opposed the Trans-Alaska Pipeline (TAPS) into which oil would flow.

A day before approving the Willow project last year, the Biden-Harris administration announced sweeping regulatory changes for additional protections in special areas of the NPR-A, making drilling and exploration more difficult but not banning them outright. The new rules, finalized in April, allow BLM to reevaluate the boundaries of special areas and consider new ones. BLM’s recent solicitation marks the beginning of the first of those evaluations. BLM  also plans to consult with local people about the special areas and it has sent invitations to consult with Alaska Native Villages and Corporations, but a group of North Slope cities, tribes and Alaska Native corporations is already challenging previous federal restrictions on oil development in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska.

Roughly half of the NPR-A is already designated as special areas, and in some locations there are bars on drilling infrastructure or limits on new oil leasing. That includes an expansive wetland around the Teshekpuk Lake that supports caribou herds and migratory birds, which are common on Alaska’s North Slope.

ConocoPhillipsAlaska Attorney General Treg Taylor (R) and a nonprofit representing Alaska’s North Slope Iñupiat sued to block the Biden administration’s NPR-A rules. The state argues that the Biden administration is “dramatically” changing the way the reserve is managed. The reserve’s management is governed by the Naval Petroleum Reserves Production Act of 1976, which orders the Interior Department to balance oil development with other values like conservation, wildlife protection and subsistence hunting. In response to the oil and gas industry’s interest in the NPR-A, the Trump administration in 2020 opened most of the reserve to exploration. In 2022, the Biden-Harris administration reversed that decision.

According to the Alaska Oil and Gas Association, “This latest maneuver by BLM regarding Alaska’s Petroleum Reserve is indicative of BLM’s continuing refusal to manage the Petroleum Reserve as Congress directed. Rather than follow Congress’s direction for ‘expeditious’ development of the Petroleum Reserve, the current administration — in its effort to appease Lower 48 environmental activists — is seeking to set aside large swaths as off-limits to any development.”

NPR-A Lawsuit

A coalition of North Slope local and regional governments, tribal governments and Native corporations has sued the Biden-Harris administration in the U.S. District Court in Anchorage for prohibitive environmental protections President Biden placed on the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska (NPR-A).The NPR-A lawsuit, filed by the organization Voice of the Arctic Iñupiat, claims that the rule enacted by the Department of the Interior on April 19 should be invalidated because it resulted from a flawed process. The rule was enacted improperly because of several legal shortcomings, including the agency’s failure to conduct a full environmental impact statement, the diversion from four decades of NPR-A management that emphasized oil development and a lack of “meaningful” engagement with the people of the North Slope. The lawsuit claims the rule “turns vast swaths of the NPR-A into a de facto conservation system unit.” The new rule was proposed by the Bureau of Land Management last September and finalized in April. The group says the Biden-Harris administration’s environmental restrictions threaten to reverse progress that has improved their lives.

Trans-Alaska Pipeline System

Put in service in 1977, the 800-mile pipeline is the primary way to carry oil drilled on Alaska’s North Slope to ports, refineries and pipelines farther south. It is the lifeline of the state’s industry crisscrossing the state’s rugged terrain and keeping oil from freezing in frigid temperatures.  So far, the pipeline has transported 18.7 billion barrels of oil over its lifetime. Oil flow through the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System however, averaged around 470,000 barrels a day last year. The 48-inch pipeline is capable of transiting 2 million barrels per day, and once did, from Prudhoe Bay to the ice-free port of Valdez for shipping to the continental United States. At its peak, in the late 1980s, about 2 million barrels a day flowed through the line. The pipeline is looking for additional oil supplies to keep it operating since it has about 1.5 million barrels per day of available capacity. Oil production in the NPR-A can keep the pipeline viable and provide decades of oil for American consumers if the Biden-Harris administration gets out of the way. Opponents of the pipeline have sought to reduce oil produced on the North Slope, in hopes of an early closure.  President Biden was one of only 5 U.S. Senators to vote against the final pipeline conference report 51 years ago in 1973, which passed 80-5.

Conclusion

The Biden-Harris administration is doing all it can to restrict new development of oil and gas in the United States despite having a wealth of those resources here and particularly in Alaska. The Biden-Harris Administration has fought economic development in Alaska beginning with its refusal to honor the law that opened ANWR, denying the state access to their own mineral lands and closing opportunities in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska. In doing so, the Biden-Harris administration is depriving Americans of their public wealth, increasing energy prices and spurring on inflation.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

Candidate Profile: Kamala Harris on Energy

President Biden ended his reelection campaign on Sunday, July 21, under mounting pressure from Democrats following his poorly received debate performance. By endorsing Harris, he has positioned her as the frontrunner to succeed him. However, there is still some degree of uncertainty looming as Democrats hurriedly work to assemble a new 2024 ticket before the party’s convention on August 19-22 in Chicago.  

Harris’ stance on energy, both during her tenure as a senator and as a candidate in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, was to the left of Biden’s, leaning more towards far-left positions that favor government control and political direction of energy production.  In her 2019 platform, she outlined climate goals that surpassed those of the current administration, aiming to achieve a renewable reliant economy by 2045. Her plan proposed that new buses, heavy-duty vehicles, and vehicle fleets must be zero-emission by 2030, with all vehicles mandated to be 100 percent zero-emission by 2035.

Fracking Bans

As a candidate for president in 2020, she advocated for a ban on hydraulic fracturing.  Furthermore, during her tenure as California’s attorney general, Harris filed a lawsuit against the Obama administration’s Interior Department in 2016, challenging potential fracking activities off the state’s coastline and describing the practice as a “threat to the health and well-being of California communities.” 

The shale revolution has profoundly changed American energy production. Through hydraulic fracturing, precise drilling techniques, and private ownership of subsurface resources in strategic regions, the United States has emerged as a global energy leader.  

According to a 2015 report by the National Bureau of Economic Research titled “Welfare and Distributional Implications of Shale Gas,” the U.S. shale boom significantly lowered natural gas prices. The report estimated an annual welfare gain of $48 billion from 2007 to 2013, a substantial figure given that retail spending on natural gas totaled around $160 billion in 2013. This economic impact represented approximately one-third of one percent of the gross domestic product, equivalent to about $150 per capita.  The reduced prices of natural gas facilitated its displacement of coal in the U.S. energy mix. In 2023, carbon dioxide emissions dropped by 3 percent, continuing a consistent decline in U.S. emissions observed over the past 15 years.  

The benefits of the shale boom extend to royalty payments for individuals and families, as well as substantial economic advantages for local and regional economies. For every million dollars of new oil and gas extraction, there is an associated $80,000 increase in wage income, $132,000 in royalty payments and business incomes, and the creation of 0.85 jobs within the local economy. These economic impacts are magnified threefold when considered across the broader region.  According to a recent report by the American Petroleum Institute, the oil and natural gas industry supports 0.8 million jobs across all 50 states, both full-time and part-time. This workforce accounts for 5.4 percent of the nation’s total employment and contributes nearly $1.8 trillion to the U.S. economy annually.

Green New Deal

Harris was also an early supporter and original co-sponsor of the Green New Deal, a resolution initially proposed in 2019 by progressive Democrats such as Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Senator Ed Markey of Massachusetts.  The Green New Deal (GND) comprises a range of policy proposals aimed at addressing what is claimed to be a climate crisis, with a central goal of achieving net zero greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2050 in various iterations. 

While proponents of the GND claim it aims to address energy, environmental, and climate concerns, its policies are predicted to bring no economic benefits while imposing significant economic costs. Historical data on energy consumption, economic growth, employment, income levels, and poverty suggest that the GND would have adverse effects across all of these dimensions. In particular, reducing reliance on conventional energy sources will stall economic growth and increase poverty by limiting opportunities in energy production. The estimated annual cost of implementing the GND’s electricity mandate alone is projected at $490.5 billion annually, impacting households unevenly across states.  Transitioning to “clean” electricity is expected to require extensive land use and may increase greenhouse gas emissions from backup power generation. The unreliability of intermittent renewable sources like wind and solar power would jeopardize electricity grid stability and lead to widespread blackouts. Beyond energy concerns, the GND’s broader costs will be approximately $9 trillion per year, excluding costs from shifts in the transportation sector and environmental damages. The proposal to fund the GND through money creation is dismissed as likely to cause inflation and devalue currency, further straining economic stability and reducing investments in environmental protection over time. 

Climate Equity

In conjunction with her support for the GND, Harris also supported several pieces of legislation that would expand the federal bureaucracy in the name of advancing “climate equity.”  In 2020, Harris proposed the Climate Equity Act, which aimed to create a new independent Office of Climate and Environmental Justice Accountability.  

In practice, the current administration’s approach to “equity” consisted of transferring hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris’s own environmental justice advisors.  Just days into his presidency in 2021, Biden issued an executive order to create his environmental justice advisory council. This council operates under the EPA, includes four designated federal officers from the agency, and holds authority to advise both the White House Council on Environmental Quality and an interagency council consisting of various Cabinet secretaries.

The Washington Free Beacon reviewed a database of federal grants and found that four prominent environmental justice organizations — WE ACT for Environmental Justice, the Bullard Center for Environmental & Climate Justice at Texas Southern University, the Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, and Kean University’s Center for the Urban Environment — collectively received $229 million in grants from the Environmental Protection Agency. Additionally, they were designated as partners to recipients of another $200 million in grants. Leaders from these organizations serve on the White House’s Environmental Justice Advisory Council, housed within the EPA, the agency responsible for awarding these grants. According to the White House, the council provides “independent advice and recommendations on how to address current and historic environmental injustice.”  Peggy Shepard, executive director of WE ACT for Environmental Justice, chairs the council. Other council members include Robert Bullard from the Bullard Center, Beverly Wright from the Deep South Center, and Nicky Sheats from the Center for the Urban Environment.  

Except for the Center for the Urban Environment, all of these organizations are linked to Mike Bloomberg’s Beyond Petrochemicals initiative, an $85 million campaign launched in 2022. They have also received substantial funding from Jeff Bezos’s Earth Fund and other progressive funding channels.  Large firms run by people like Bezos and Bloomberg stand to benefit from complex environmental regulations. Regulations often either directly restrict competition, or indirectly imposes a greater burden on smaller businesses as they have fewer resources to comply with new rules.  The Free Beacon’s investigation concluded that these revelations raise concerns about the oversight of the Biden-Harris administration’s allocation of significant environmental grants because of the close ties between the EPA’s environmental justice efforts and these organizations.

In addition to her Environmental Equity Act, then-Senator Harris also introduced legislation titled the Environmental Justice for All Act. This too would have seen hundreds of millions of tax-dollars go to radical foundations and nonprofits aligned with Harris’ politics. However, it goes much further by targeting American energy producers with new taxes and fees. The proceeds of these new punitive taxes would go to further grantmaking for the very organizations attempting to put American energy workers out of jobs. On top of the traditional spending spree and new taxes, this bill would create new programs seeking to enact “reparations” to communities most “impacted” by climate change. One such program proposed in the bill is to fund the creation of make-up and other cosmetic products exclusively for “women of color” all in the name of fighting climate change.

Electric Vehicle Mandates

Vice President Harris has also been a consistent supporter of the Biden administration’s unpopular EV mandates.  During her 2020 presidential campaign, Harris pledged ambitious climate policies.  She aimed for 50 percent of all new passenger vehicles sold to be electric vehicles (EVs) by 2030, and a complete transition to 100 percent EVs by 2035. Additionally, she supported a mandate that by 2030, all new vehicle purchases for corporate fleets, transportation networks, and heavy-duty vehicles must be electric.

Back in January 2019, months after announcing her presidential bid, Harris cosponsored the Zero-Emission Vehicles Act. Initially targeting 43 percent of car sales to be electric by 2027, the bill evolved to set a goal of 100 percent electric car sales by 2035.  In contrast, the Biden administration’s current approach includes finalized standards that aim for 56 percent of new light-duty car sales to be battery-electric and 13 percent hybrid by 2032. For heavy-duty vehicles under these standards, fewer than half of trucks produced in 2032 are expected to be electric.

A recent poll conducted by the Remington Research Group, commissioned by the American Fuel & Petrochemical Manufacturers, revealed that in key states such as Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin — pivotal for determining the election outcome — 59 percent or more of likely voters oppose government bans on gas-powered cars.

Bans On Plastic

Harris has also supported bans on plastic straws and single use plastics even though these policies routinely fail to provide any sort of meaningful benefit to the environment.  For example, in 2020, New Jersey enacted legislation prohibiting single-use plastic and paper bags in all stores and food service businesses, which took effect in May 2022 and was applauded by environmental groups. Despite a reduction of over 60 percent in the total number of plastic bags to 894 million, the switch to alternative bags led to a significant increase in the state’s plastic consumption, soaring nearly threefold from 53 million pounds to 151 million pounds. 

Most stores in New Jersey adopted heavier, reusable shopping bags made from non-woven polypropylene, which require over 15 times more plastic and generate more than five times the greenhouse gas emissions during production per bag compared to polyethylene plastic bags. Moreover, these alternative bags are not widely recyclable and typically lack post-consumer recycled materials. Greenhouse gas emissions surged by 500 percent compared to the previous bags used in 2015, adding to consumer expenses for reusable bags at a time when economic pressures from inflation were already affecting grocery budgets.

AEA Congressional Scorecard

Senator Kamala Harris received a lifetime score of 0 percent from the American Energy Alliance’s Energy Scorecard.

2019 – 2020 votes:  

2017 – 2018 votes: 

The Unregulated Podcast #192: Meritocracy and Freedom

On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna cover the fallout of the Kamala Coup, recent bombshell proceedings in Congress, and what it all means for the 2024 presidential election.

Links:

Stay Connected With The Show:

Biden-Harris Admin Giving Out Billions In EV Subsidies

The Biden administration plans to award General Motors and Chrysler-parent Stellantis nearly $1.1 billion in grants to convert existing car manufacturing plants to build electric vehicles and components. The Department of Energy (DOE) announced $1.7 billion in planned grants to help fund the conversion of 11 “at risk” plants in eight states to enable the production of 1 million electric vehicles annually, help retain 15,000 existing jobs, and create 3,000 new positions. The plants are “at risk” because of EV transition policies being forced by Washington, D.C. The awards are for plants in Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, and Virginia — some of which are swing states in the November presidential election.

To support the EV effort further, President Joe Biden has prodded U.S. automakers to assemble a rising number of electric vehicles, introduced new tax incentives and funded EV charging stations. Biden federal regulators have also issued stricter emissions rules to boost EV sales. Despite these initiatives designed to increase demand, Americans’ interest in purchasing electric vehicles isn’t matching the Biden administration’s desires as the rate of growth of EV sales has fallen due to the high cost of electric vehicles and lack of charging stations, of which the federal government has only installed seven out of the 500,000 it promised. As a result, electric vehicles are piling up on dealer’s lots.

The White House is courting union workers in key battleground states and seeking to reassure autoworkers that its policies pushing electric vehicles will not cost jobs, despite requiring fewer workers to manufacture them and maintain them than gasoline and diesel vehicles. The Energy Secretary told reporters the awards were a “hallmark of the Biden administration’s industrial strategy” and would “modernize historical auto manufacturing facilities.”

The Biden administration’s grants include more than $650 million for two factories in Michigan. The plants in Michigan include General Motors’ Lansing Grand River Assembly, which is to be refurbished at an unspecified future date to allow production of new EV models and could receive up to $500 million, if it, like the other projects, hits marks for retooling, production and hiring or employee retention. The plan calls for retaining more than 650 UAW jobs at the facility and adding 50 new hires. GM will make its own unspecified investment to produce electric vehicles in Lansing at a future date but said the plant will continue to produce the Cadillac CT4 and CT5.

ZF North America Inc. was also awarded a grant of up to about $158 million to retool a portion of its plant in Marysville in St. Clair County to move from making axle drive component parts for internal combustion engine vehicles to components for electric vehicles. The grant calls for retaining 536 jobs, including 387 UAW employees.

The potential grants also include $335 million to help reopen and convert Stellantis’ idled Fiat Chrysler assembly plant in Belvidere, Illinois, to building electric vehicles, restoring some 1,450 union jobs. Another $250 million will go to convert Stellantis’ transmission plant in Kokomo, Indiana, to make electric drive modules, which combine the motor, transmission and other electronics in a single unit in battery-powered electric vehicles. The grant expects to retain 585 UAW jobs. In October, Stellantis agreed to build a new $3.2 billion battery plant and invest $1.5 billion in a new mid-size truck factory in Belvidere, Illinois under a new union contract.

Other plants in Ohio, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Maryland and Virginia also received grants to help shore up supply chains and assembly of electric cars, trucks and buses. The funding was included in the Democrat-passed Inflation Reduction Act in 2022.

Hyundai Mobis, which operates a Stellantis supplier in Ohio, will receive $32 million to produce plug-in hybrid components and battery packs.

Other awards include $89 million for Harley-Davidson to expand its York, Pennsylvania plant for EV motorcycle manufacturing; $80 million for Blue Bird to convert a former Georgia plant to build electric school buses; and $75 million to engine company Cummins to convert part of an existing Indiana plant to make zero-emission components and electric powertrain systems. The DOE also plans $208 million for the Volvo Group to upgrade plants in Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania to increase EV production capacity.

The DOE must still complete negotiations with companies on milestones and other requirements and complete environmental reviews before the awards are finalized.  Given the current time it takes DOE to complete negotiations for awards, there is little chance these awards will be finalized and the money will go to these companies until after the next Presidential inauguration.

Conclusion

The Biden administration is handing out grants and other incentives to increase EV production in order to reach Biden’s goal of a 50 percent EV share of auto sales by 2030—part of the plan to keep his promise to the U.N. in support of the Paris Climate Accord. Biden’s Department of Energy has proposed grants of $1.7 billion to companies that will either manufacture electric vehicles or their component parts. This situation of free wheeling with taxpayer dollars is reminiscent of Solyndra and Fisker—companies that the Obama administration funded that failed in that administration’s endeavor to transform the energy market.  Rather than let markets work and consumers select the best technologies to meet their needs, the Biden administration is using regulations, grants, tax credits and other incentives to push manufacturers towards faster EV production and sales, despite the rate of growth in EV sales slowing.

Donald Trump has criticized Biden’s EV policies and vowed to reverse them if he takes office.  Trump vowed to “terminate” green vehicle mandates, warning that if they continued under Biden, “American auto production will be totally dead.” Currently, the U.S. auto industry cannot compete against electric vehicles made by Chinese manufacturers, who are making the cheapest electric vehicles on the market and gaining market share in Europe. Only U.S. trade policy is keeping those manufacturers from flooding U.S. vehicle markets.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.

The Unregulated Podcast #191: Hey Joe, How Are You Doing?

On this episode of The Unregulated Podcast Tom Pyle and Mike McKenna go over the fallout from the attempted assassination on Donald Trump, the events at the RNC, and what Trump’s choice of J.D. Vance for vice-president means for the future of American energy and politics.

Links:

Stay Connected With The Show:

Biden And Harris Block Development In Alaska

On July 5, Biden’s Interior Department blocked 28 million acres of federal land (D-1 lands) in the state of Alaska from any mining or oil and gas development, which removes an area the size of the state of Pennsylvania from resource development. The Biden administration also blocked a 211-mile gravel road, the Ambler Access Road, that would have connected mining districts in west-central Alaska to a highway that runs through the middle of the state. The mines are rich in copper and cobalt needed for the green energy transition. In 2020, President Donald Trump had approved the permit to build the road, but after Joe Biden was elected President, Interior Secretary Deb Haaland ordered a new analysis, arguing that the Trump-era studies had been inadequate.

The Biden administration has targeted Alaska’s resource development opportunities 65 times, affecting the state’s energy and economic future. The Biden administration has kowtowed to environmentalists to gain favor at the ballot box. This time, it is placing 28 million acres off-limits to responsible development, which empowers China, Russia and other enemies of the United States, and has blocked a gravel road used to reach areas for mineral development needed for Biden’s green energy transition. The Biden Administration has done everything environmental groups have requested in Alaska, except for the decision to allow development of the Willow Project in NPR-A, making some wonder if the Willow decision was an artificial controversy to mask later anti-energy and mineral actions such as those taken recently.

D-1 Lands Removal

“D-1” lands are about 50 million acres of federally managed public lands found in pockets across the state from Bristol Bay to the Brooks Range, Copper River watershed, and northern Southeast Alaska. D-1 lands, overseen by the Bureau of Land Management (BLM), were withdrawn from mineral entry under the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) in 1971 to allow the Secretary of the Interior to determine whether those lands should remain withdrawn to protect the public interest. D-1 protections cover most of each BLM regional planning area, making them off-limit to extractive development.

Source: Audubon Alaska

In 1980, President Jimmy Carter signed the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA) into law, designating the largest swatch of protected areas in the United States.  Alaska now hosts 60 percent of the acreage in the National Park System, 88 percent of the acreage in the National Wildlife Refuge System, and the two largest National Forests.  The D-1 areas were left for later disposition, but most Alaskans believed they would become lands of multiple use, allowing them economic and recreational opportunities after the huge battle over ANILCA.  Until President Trump’s decision made in consultation with the State of Alaska, the lands remained in limbo.

The Trump administration, seeing the need for fossil fuel and mineral development, prepared, but did not finalize, five Public Land Orders to lift the D-1 protections for 28 million acres of BLM-managed lands within Bristol Bay, Bering Sea Western Interior, East Alaska, Kobuk Seward, and the Ring of Fire regions of Alaska for multiple uses. On August 16, 2022, however, Biden’s BLM initiated a process to prepare an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) to determine the impact of lifting the D-1 protections on fish and wildlife habitat, subsistence opportunities, and Alaska communities.  On December 15, 2023, the BLM opened a 60-day comment period seeking input from the public. In its final environmental impact statement concerning Alaska’s D-1 lands, the BLM selected the “no action” alternative, which will prevent all future oil, gas and mining activities on 28 million acres spread across Alaska.  This action follows Biden’s closure of ANWR despite lease sales mandated by federal law and his foreclosure of future energy development in the Indiana-sized National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska (NPR-A}.

Ambler Access Road Project

The Ambler Access Road project had bipartisan support from Alaska’s congressional delegation and was mandated to be permitted by Congress. In December, Republican Senators Dan Sullivan and Lisa Murkowski, along with the state’s Democratic Representative Mary Sattler Peltola, sent a letter to Haaland urging the analysis be conducted quickly and the road project re-approved. The Alaskan lawmakers argued that Alaska and the nation needed the jobs, revenues and minerals to which the road would allow access. Those minerals, the lawmakers explained, would also make America less dependent on foreign countries with poor records on human rights and environmental quality for oil and gas development. According to the delegation, Congress had mandated the road’s construction through the 1980 Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA), meaning that the Biden administration was overreaching its executive authority to deny the road’s right away.

China dominates global critical mineral supply chains, accounting for approximately 60 percent of world-wide production and 85 percent of processing capacity. Transitioning from fossil fuels, which is the goal of Biden’s climate mandates, would leave the U.S. dependent on China for energy, unless the U.S. develops its own mines and processing facilities. While there are some other sources of minerals in the world, such as the cobalt mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, human rights investigations have discovered widespread use of children in dangerous and toxic conditions. China also holds a heavy hand in the ownership of those mineral rich areas.

Ignoring guidance from Alaska’s Congressional delegation, in its formal record of decision, the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) picked the “no action” alternative, which prohibits construction of the road on public lands. The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority intends to pursue litigation against the decision.

Conclusion

The Biden administration is doing all it can to restrict new development of fossil fuel and mineral resources in the United States despite having a wealth of those resources here and particularly in Alaska. In doing so, the Biden administration is depriving Americans of their public wealth, increasing energy prices and spurring on inflation. It is also making the United States dependent on countries such as China, who has spent decades in placing itself as a forerunner in critical mineral development as it has little oil and gas resources to compete against the massive U.S. resource base.


*This article was adapted from content originally published by the Institute for Energy Research.